Bailey's Through Out The United States.

You may have noticed I have been putting up a lot of pages this month, so I’ve decided to take a little rest from it by working on a surname that would take a few days to work on. The name I picked is ( Bailey ) I usually pick a uncommon name, but this name had a lot of interesting information so I couldn’t pass it up. Now there is a lot of information on this name, more then I could put on this page. After looking over this page and you find no ancestors of your family and they were around the time frame of ( 1776-1875 ), let me know and I will see if I can find any thing for you, you can find my address in my profile.

Revolutionary War & War of 1812.

Note. I know some of you had Bailey’s ancestors in the Revolutionary War & War of 1812. And you would like to have some information on them. I get this kind of information from the pension rolls of the United State and as it's so vast I could not list every State here, so this will be a look up. If you would like to look for a ancestor write to me, with his name and the State & County he died in and what State he serviced for, if you know them. Below is a example of the kind of information you may receive.

Example.

Benjamin Bailey, of the State of New York, in the county of Columbia, was a private in the 23rd, regiment of the United States infantry. He received $96, dollars a year, and up to the time of this recording had received $1,305.40, dollars. He was placed on the roll August 26, 1817, commencement of his pension was on April 18, 1813, he died on November 25, 1826.

Note. The following information comes from the many departments of the Library of Congress.
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Margaret Bailey, George B. Bailey.

A BILL.
JUNE 23, 1862.

To secure one month’s pay and pension to Margaret Bailey, widow of George B. Bailey, lieutenant colonel in the ninth regiment of Virginia volunteers.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That there be paid to Margaret Bailey, widow of George B. Bailey, late acting lieutenant colonel in the ninth regiment of Virginia volunteers, one month’s pay of a lieutenant colonel, for services rendered by her husband as lieutenant colonel and surgeon, prior to November tenth, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, when he was killed in battle at Guyandotte, Virginia.

SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That the Commissioner of Pensions be, and he is hereby, directed to place the 3 name of said Margaret Bailey on the pension roll, and that she be allowed and paid the same pension that she would have been entitled to had the said George B. Bailey been regularly mustered into the United States service as a lieutenant colonel of infantry at the time of his death.
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Sluman S. Bailey.

A BILL.
JANUARY 29, 1872.

For the relief of Sluman S. Bailey, collector of internal revenue
for the fourth district of Michigan.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is hereby, authorized, in adjusting the accounts of Sluman S. Bailey, collector of internal revenue for the fourth district of Michigan, to credit him with the sum of one thousand seven hundred and fifty-two dollars and twenty-three cents, that being the amount of money not recovered which was stolen from the safe of the county treasurer of Grand Traverse County, Michigan, on the night of September twenty-third, eighteen hundred and sixty-seven, and which said money was deposited for safe-keeping therein by William H. Fife, deputy collector of 13 internal revenue, and for which amount said Collector Sluman S. Bailey is responsible to the Treasury of the United States: Provided, That it shall then still appear that the theft of said money was without the collusion, privity, or fault of the said collector.
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Annie Marie Bailey, George H. E. Bailey.

AN ACT.
APRIL 25, 1872.

Granting a pension to Annie Marie Bailey.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in congress assembled, That the Secretary of the Interior be, and he is hereby, authorized and directed to place on the pension-roll, subject to the provisions and limitations of the pension laws, the name of Annie Marie Bailey, mother of George H. E. Bailey, late a private in Company F, Fifth Regiment Maryland Volunteers, from the passage of this act. Passed the House of Representatives April 24, 1872.
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B. C. Bailey.

AN ACT.
MARCH 20, 1872.

For the relief of B. C. Bailey.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is hereby, authorized and directed to pay to B. C. Bailey, of Bath, Maine, out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, the sum of four thousand eight hundred and sixty-
eight and twenty-four one-hundredths dollars, in full for damages resulting directly from the seizure and detention of the ship Argo in eighteen hundred and sixty-one.
Passed the House of Representatives March 19, 1872.
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Samuel Armstrong Bailey, Rebecca Frances Bailey.

A BILL.
APRIL 26, 1834.

For the relief of Samuel Armstrong Bailey.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in congress assembled, That Samuel Armstrong Bailey, of the State of Georgia, (in right
of his wife, Rebecca Frances Bailey,) be allowed to locate a military warrant for two hundred acres, issued to said Rebecca Frances Hailey, as heir at law of Edward Lloyd, de ceased, on any unlocated and unsold lands in either of the land districts in Alabama or Mississippi: Provided, That said location shall comprise one entire quarter section and
a sufficient quantity of the next adjoining quarter section to make up the said quantity of two hundred acres.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That said location shall be made within three months from the passing of this act; and that upon giving due notice thereof to the register
of the land office in the district in which the said land so located is situated, the said Samuel Armstrong Bailey may present said warrant to the Commissioner of the General Land.
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Note. Here are other Bailey’s that had Bills or Acts in congress, If you see a name and would like their information, let me know my address can be found in my profile.

Jonathan N. Bailey, 1822.
James Bailey, 1840.
Christopher T. Bailey, 1836.
Anselm Bailey, 1842.
Joseph Bailey, 1840.
David Bailey, 1857.
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In 1797, Richard Bailey was a interpreter for the Chiefs of the Creek lands.
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J. H. BAILEY.
Arkansas 1837.

FORT GIBSON, October 11, 1SWI.

GENTLEMEN: I will sell Mazzard bluff for $10,000, or I will abide the decision of two men, one appointed by the Secretary of War, and one by myself; and should they not agree, they two to appoint a third man. Mazzard Muff is situated on the Arkansas river, contains not less than 262 acres, or more than 27O. The title is indisputable. It is owned by Doctor Be Camp and myself, but I am fully authorized by him to convey it.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant.
J. H. BAILEY.
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John G. Bailey.

ST. THOMAS, February 16, 1825.

Captain David Porter, U. S. Navy:

SIR: Agreeably to your request, we have collected and put into the hands of Lieutenant Commandant Platt, all the testimony regarding the various depredations which have been committed upon this place by the inhabitants of Foxardo and its vicinity, which the present unsettled state of this place will permit from the unfortunate fire. We will now repeat what our Mr. Cabot had the honor of verbally acquainting you, that our store was broken open and robbed of a considerable amount of valuable property, on the night of the 24th October last, all of which belonged to the citizens of the United States. Being fully convinced who the perpetrators of this act were, and the course our goods had taken, from the well known character of the inhabitants of Foxardo, and the facilities believed to be rendered by government of that place, we requested Lieutenant Commandant Platt to aid us in the recovery, which he very generously consented to. The circumstances of his reception and treatment at that place you will receive from Lieutenant Platt. We would now add, that about ten days since we received information which may be relied upon, that John Compis, of that place, a man whose wealth gives him consequence, and even the then alcalde of the place, from interested motives, or otherwise, forbore to put in
Force any claim he, against him, was the actual receiver of our goods, and that he at the time Lieutenant Platt was there, had them in possession. It will be recollected that this said Compis is the man to whom our clerk was introduced by Messrs. Bergeest and Uhihorn, of this place, and who has been the agent of most, if not all the houses in this place, who have been robbed, to obtain justice for them, and he has written us for a power of attorney to act in our place. Three or four days since we received a message from a man in power in that place, whose name is suppressed, but who, we believe, is the present alcalde of Foxardo, (the alcalde in office at the time of your visit is removed,) offering to obtain the value of the goods stolen if we would relinquish to him one-half of the amount recovered. This we have consented to, and have no doubt but it will be accomplished.
We request you not to give any greater publicity to this letter, and the documents you will receive, than is actually necessary; for the lives of the parties would be endangered.
We have the honor to he, sir, with respect, your most obedient servants.
(Signed.) CABOT, BAILEY & CO.
Personally appeared before me, John G. Bailey, of the firm of Cabot, Bailey & Co. who solemnly swore to the truth of the contents of the foregoing letter. JOHN D. SLOAT, Lieutenant Commandant United States Navy. Island of ST. Thomas, February 18, 1825.
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Land and more land.

George Bailey, sold 640 acres to Abijah Hunt, on April 9, 1807, in the Mississippi Territory for occupancy.
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CLAIMS REJECTED FOR WANT OF EVIDENCE.
Ancient French or British grants.
Claims for the donations as heads of families.
John Bailey, 400 acres. In the District of Vincennes.
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Alexander Bailey, was issued a certificate for land in 1811, for 300 acres on the Tywappety, in the District of New Madrid, the right of settlement.
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Laurent Bailey had 338.51 acres in 1811, in the county of Opelousas on the Bayou Tortue. He also had land at Teche in the county of Opelousas.
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Amos Baily had 400 acres in 1811, in the District of Kaskaskia, but his proof was insufficient and was rejected.
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Hugh Bailey claimed a settement in the Territory of Orleans in 1812, for 575.17 acres, in the county of Rapides at Hores-pen Creek.
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Rezia Bailey in 1812 tried to claim 250 arpents in the District of Cap Girardeau but it wasn’t granted.
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Abstract of settlers on land in Louisiana which lies east of the Mississippi Rive the Island of New Orleans and west of the pearl River.

George Bailey, settlement was in March of 1804.
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Hugh Bailey claims 640 acres on the Black River in the Parish of Cattahoula.
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Lewis Bailey claims 392, acres on the Turkey branch of the St. Mary’s River in the state of Florida, plate was made in November 1818.
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Louisiana, Missouri, Arkansas and Georgia.

Hugh , Pierre and Reazin Bailey all claimed land in Louisiana or Missouri, but couldn’t not find any records.

Silas Bailey had 640 acres on the west side of the St. Francois River, the report was for 1818, but he was there from 1803 till up to this time, he also had 800 arpens some place in Arkansas.

Laurent Bailey in 1818 or 1798, claimed land on the Bayou Queue de Tortue in the county of Opelousas, in the state of La.

Hugh Bailey, also spelled Bailly in 1816, claimed land at Point Maige in the county of Rapide of La.

William Bailey, in 1824 was asking for a title for 1000, acres of land on Front Creek where the road leading from St. Augustine to the State of Georgia where it crosses in Duval county.
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Volume 4.

John Bailey bought the east half, northwest quarter, 25, in township 44, range 5. East. In the district of St. Louis.

Michael Bailey had a contract with the Treasury Dept. to grow Vine and Olive on 120 acres, no State was named.
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Volume 5.

Lewis Bailey, east Florida, 640 acres at Turkey Branch, St. Mary’s, has been there from 1819 to 1827.
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Volume 7.

John Bailey was given 400 acres as a donation for being head of a family and another 100 acres these were Militia donations for militiaman of Vincennes in 1790, some of these land was in Knox county.

Laban Bailey was a Quartermaster in the state navy, and has Military land scrip certificates. He had 16, certificates worth 80, acres per certificates, all were issued to Thomas M. Bailey.
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ON CLAIM FOR PERMISSION TO LOCATE A MILITARY LAND WARRANT IN ALABAMA OR MISSISSIPPI.

That the petitioner exhibits a military bounty warrant for two hundred acres of land, issued by the Secretary of War, on the 20th day of February, 1834, to Rebecca Frances Bailey, wife of the petitioner, as sole heir at law of Edward Lloyd, who was a lieutenant in the South Carolina line in the revolutionary army. The petitioner states that said Edward Lloyd died many years ago, after having placed his papers in the hands of a Senator of the United States from Georgia, for the purpose of obtaining the warrant; that the warrant was not obtained during his life; that his only child, being then an infant, knew nothing’ of the claim, nor did it ever come to her knowledge until since her intermarriage with the petitioner, to wit, within a few years. The petitioner resides within a very short distance of the public lands in Alabama, and not very distant from those in Mississippi, but from five to six hundred miles from the land districts in Ohio, Indiana and Illinois; for the purchase of the lands in which the scrip to which he would be entitled by law in exchange for said warrant is receivable. Under these circumstances, he prays to be allowed to locate his warrant in Alabama or Mississippi. Your committee, considering the request altogether reasonable, report a bill accordingly.
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Revolutionary War Claims.

1. Ephraim Bailey, Private, Col. Nixon’s, Wounded by a musket ball passing through his right ankle, April 28, ‘77, Crump’s Hill. Residence, Brookfield, Mass. Pension One-half, Enlisted March 10, 1777; on the rolls in 1780. (1) Evidence complete.

2. John Bailey, private Col. Porter’s 3rd, Massachusetts, Lost the sight of his left eye and that of the other considerably weakened, occasioned by smallpox while in the service. April 1776, Quebec. Residence Greenwich, Mass., pension one-half, Militia (3) Evidence complete, as to the object stated; but as the disability of the claimant dose not proceed from known wounds his case is not comprehended by law.

3. John Bailey, Date of certificate June 11, 1794, No. 5507, private South Carolina Line, interest starting July 1, 1781, amount of certificate $228.49.

4. Reuben Bailey, Date of certificate June 7, 1794, No. 5507, private South Carolina Line, interest starting July 1, 1781, amount of certificate $228.49.

5. Joseph Bailey, Date of certificate April 25, 1792, No. 2298, Master mate, ship Saratoga, interest starting March 5, 1780, amount of certificate $36.50.

6. Joseph Bailey, Date of certificate Jan. 27, 1794, No. 4878, Private of the 6th and 1st, South Carolina regiment, interest starting August 1, 1781, amount of certificate $157.36.

7. Nathaniel Bailey, Date of certificate April 10, 1794, No. 5241, Seaman Queen of France, interest starting July 15, 1780, amount of certificate $56.86.

8. William Bailey, Date of certificate July 18, 1792, No. 2704, Major in Colonel Swoop’s regiment, interest starting June 1, 1778, amount of certificate $564.88.
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Civil War.

Note. This information comes from the official recorders of the Union and Confederate Armies which is housed at the State University of Ohio.

SPECIAL ORDERS,
HDQRS. DIST. OF SOUTHWEST MISSOURI, Numbers 189.
Springfield, Mo., July 15, 1864.

I. Captain John C. Bailey, commanding detachment Second Arkansas Cavalry Volunteers, near Forsyth, Mo., will immediately detail sixty mounted men from his command, properly officered, and supplied with three days' rations, to make a scout in conjunction with Captain Ball, Company L, Sixth Provisional Enrolled Missouri Militia, down White River, to such vicinity as may be suggested by Captain Ball, for the purpose of dispersing or capturing guerrilla bands and robbers.

2. Captain J. C. Bailey, commanding detachment Second Arkansas Cavalry Volunteers, near Forsyth, Mo., will move his command, with camp and garrison equipage, and encamp south, and within six miles of Ozark, Mo., at such point as he shall deem most convenient for grazing and watering the animals of his command. Captain Bailey, and all officers who may succeed him in command of the detachment, will protect the road south of Forsyth, Mo., and keep informed of the enemy's movements and designs, by having scouting parties south, east, and west from the headquarters of the detachment.

Note. There were places with the name of Bailey: Bailey’s Creek, Bailey’s Road, Bailey’s Run and Bailey’s Mill and Bailey's Cross-Roads.

Lieutenant Colonel Chesley D. Bailey, of the Ninth Kentucky Volunteers, who was leading the charge most gallantly, was severely wounded.
Note. This took place at or near Lovejoy’s station in Georgia.
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No. 398
Report of Major Alonzo W. Adams, First New York Cavalry, Third Brigade, of operations June 12-15 .
Bloody Run, PA., June 26, 1863.

Major: In obedience to special orders from headquarters, of this date, I have the honor to report in detail the operations and action of my command during the late defense and evacuation of Winchester, Va.

I dispatched Company K, Captain Ezra H. Bailey, to reconnoiter the by-roads leading from Millwood to Winchester, and intersecting the main road from Berryville to Winchester, near the Opequon Creek, with a view to ascertaining the strength, position, and purpose of the enemy. In Executing this order Captain Ezra H. Bailey reached, by rapid marches through woods and fields, the turnpike in rear of the enemy and about 2 miles from Millwood. At this point he captured a private of the Sixteenth Virginia Cavalry, from whom he learned that our forces had retreated from Berryville . He returned by an indirect route, crossing the Winchester pike about 3 miles from Berryville, and rejoined the brigade on the Charlestown and Winchester road about 4 p. m., closely pursued by the enemy's cavalry, which made at this point a vigorous attack upon my rear, but they were as vigorously met and repulsed.
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1. Peninsular Campaign, Captain Edward L. Bailey was wounded.

2. 1st New York Light, Battery K, Lieutenant Edward L. Bailey (11th N. Y. Batt'y attached).

3. There was also a Colonel Edward L. Bailey.
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Captain William P. Bailey, under command of Captain John B. Loomis, senior captain, deserves special mention for the efficient manner in which nearly all the enemy's pockets stationed at different points to convey intelligence were captured.
Note. This was July 28, 1863, near Jackson, N. C., at 4 p. m.
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Note. General William Bailey is perhaps not only the wealthiest man in this State, but one of the most wealthy and patriotic and generous gentlemen in the Confederate States.
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Captain A. C. Bailey, of the Fayette county Militia, give statements on behalf of some prisoners.
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Josiah E. Bailey was arrested by order of General Porter and committed to the Old Capitol Prison February 1, 1862. He was charged with being a spy in the employ of the rebels. Said Bailey remained in custody at the Old Capitol February 15, 1862, when in conformity with the order of the War Department of the preceding day he was transferred to the charge of that Department.
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FORT DELAWARE, December 23, 1864.
Brigadier-General WESSELLS,
Commissary-General of Prisoners:
Below find list of officers placed in close confinement.

Lieutenant R. H. C. Bailey, Foster's cavalry.
Note. First Lieutenant R. H. C. Bailey, Foster's cavalry, Company A, captured at Lauderdale, Ala., December 1, 1863.
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HDQRS. DEPT. OF VIRGINIA AND NORTH CAROLINA,
Fort Monroe, Va., March 1, 1864.
Honorable ROBERT OULD, Commissioner for Exchange:

SIR: S. P. Bailey, now paroled for exchange, in Richmond, may remain, although the time of his parole has expired, and you may furnish such equivalents for him as you may deem proper.
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Photo: T. Bailey.
Between 1860 & 1870.












Photo: Colonel S. M. Bailey.
8th, Pennsylvania Infantry.



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A. Bailey. - Says his name is A. Lincoln Bailey. Says he was elected President of the United States and went to Washington to discharge the duties of that office. Does not tell me how he got to Virginia. Says he was born in Pennsylvania; has lived in New York and New Hampshire. He says he was in Richmond some years since in the store of J. Winston Jones, who he says is now dead. Says he was once a watchman and timekeeper in Joseph R. Anderson's works. He says he was arrested near Charlottesville attempting to make his way to Washington through the Valley. I examined this man carefully and can discover no symptoms of derengement. I think he is feigning derengement to coneceal his true character. His own statement makes him an alien enemy and I think he is a very suspicions one. I recommend he be held as an alien enemy under suspicion of being a spy.
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GENERAL ORDERS, HDQRS. SECOND DIV., FIRST CAV. CORPS, No. 5. Spring Hill, Tenn., march 2, 1863.

The brigadier-general commanding tenders his thanks to Private James C. Bailey, of Captain Taylor's company, for the fearless and energetic manner in which he have crossed eight swollen streams, swam rivers and creeks, overcome obstacles, and surmounted almost unheard-of difficulties to deliver important dispatches. Such conduct is to be highly commended at all times.
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Civil War Note.

There were at lest if not more then 7083, Bailey’s in the Civil War, I could not put all their names here, but if you would like for me to look up a ancestor give his full name and state and regiment if you can and I will take a look, you can find my address in my profile, and as always my search's are ( Free. ).

Colonel John D. Morris Of The Confederacy

I have done a lot of pages on Union men who were taken prisoner, but have done little about the men of the Confederacy, So I decided to do this page on one man who was a Colonel. I think you will find his story very interesting as I did.

To the Honorable COMMITTEE OF THE CONFEDERATE SENATE:

SIRS: During a short conference held on yesterday, at the suggestion of Colonel Ould, between the Honorable Senator Watson, a member of your committee, and myself, the statements which I then made respecting my own treatment and that of other prisoners confined by the Federal authorities at Lexington, Ky., during the past fall and winter, was regarded by Mr. Watson of so much importance that he request me to state some of the material facts which were presented in that conversation in writin, under the impression, as I learned, that they might be of use part of a record now being made by the Confederate Government. In compliance with this suggestion I make this communication, and at the outhset I would remark that it is my impression that many of the outrages now perpetrated by the U. S. authorities upon our prisoners have been provoked and incited by fase representations made by many of their men confiend in Confederate prisons at various times, and in retaliation for what they regard as brutality on the part of the Confederacy. Statements of such a character, published at large in the journals daily circulated over the country and reaching the officials who have charge of the various places where men are confined, cannot fail to produce bad blood and must lead to unkindness, even to brutal treatment, of the poor prisoners whose lives under the most favorable auspices are very miserable; and while I regard retaliation as the only menas by which the condition o four captives can be ameliorated, yet the publication to the world at large of many facts which must come to your knowledge would more than useless, and tend to aggravate the miseries of the poor men whom you are attempting to relative.

I trust your committee will excuse the above remarks. For certain purposes which it would be irrelevant to state here, with a commission of C. S. colonel in my pocket, I went Kentucky about the middle of October last. I was accompanied by Colonel R. J. Breckinridge and Major Steele. Upon reaching the interior, after passing over a country almost ruined by he marauding parties of both armies, by extraordinary exertions and precautions, we reached he hills of Owen County, on the Kentucky River, all safe. Here we had time to look about us, and had I not seen with my own eyes the attitude occupied by those people I would never have believed that free white men could be reduced so completely and absolutely to the most degrading of all conditions. While outwardly and to the Federal authorities they professed a cordial hatred for all traitors and rebels, paid taxes, furnished money, many of them going so far as to join the Federal Army, for the purpose of saving their property from Yankee confiscation and their persons from Yankee brutalities, to me they professed their cordial sympathy with the South, contributed in many ways to the furtherance of my views, treated me with the utmost kindness and hospitality, and seemed ready and anxious to do everything which mught not endanger their lives or jeopardize their property. They were all things to all men. The whole State filled with a once proud people is now wretched and degraded, a living lie.

In the county of Owen, which is almost universally Southern in its proclivities, separating myself from Colonel Breckinridge and Major Steele, who at once commenced recruiting and were very successful in furtherance of my own plans, I put myself in communication with Colonel Jessee, a Confederate officer, who, with a small part of a regiment, had been cut off from General Morgan's command after the fight at Cynthiana during the past summer. He had remained in this and one or two adjoining counties, with his men not held together in compact form, here in the very heart of Kentucky, for many months, almost undistrurbed by the Federal troops immediately in his vicinity. From Jessee's representations and from various conversations with many of the people it seemed to me that the State was on the very ever of rebelling against the Federal authorities. This opinion was confirmed by information which I received from several of the most prominent men of the State. I was very careful in the concealment of my plans, so fearful of being captured that, avoiding houses as dangerous, I took up my quarters in the hills and woods, where I was fed and carried on my business arrangements through certain persons who were apprised of my whereabouts.

In this state of my affairs, with everything very promising before me, I was apprised one night that Colonel Jessee wished to consult me upon some matters of the utmost importance; a courier was waiting to conduct me to his headquarters. I mounted, rode down to the river, where there was a small boat awaiting me, corssed over, leaving my horse tied on the bank of the stream. I spent the remaining portion of the night with Colonel Jessee. Next morning before breakfast we walked down to the river, where I saw m y horse still thied. Upon our return to the house (before reaching it, however) I saw a force of Federal cavalry numbering some 150 desceding the hill beyond the house and within half a mile. Fortunately Jessee's horses were all saddled, and at once he mounted with his guards of some fifteen men, and being upon splendid animals, escaped without difficulty. I was left, however, my horse being on the other side of the river. I ran into the bushes immediately upon the margin of the river; remained concealed until late in the evening. Just before dark I came out, made a reconnaissance, saw six men in Federal uniform ride up to the house (the only one in the neighborgood with which I was acquainted), dismount, leave a sentnel at the gate, and they were still there as long as I could see. It was night, raining, and very cold; I was hungry; had no blanket or overcoat; I knew no one in the neighborhood, and was afraid to apply to any one for food and shelter lest I might be informed on and captured. I had seen a large hay barn some half a mile distant during the day, and determined to take shelter for the night under its roof. When I reached the barn and was about to enter I heard the stamp of horses within, and believing that they were Yankee cavalry, who were likewise sheltering from the storm, I retreated hastily to some stacks, where, covering myself with the hay, I remained until the early dawn. I then returned, it being yet dark, to my shelter under the riverbank nearer to the house. When it became sufficiently light for me to discover objects at a distance I was astonished to see my horse still standing where I had left him two nights before. I thought it was a trap, that the yankees had left him there as a bit, and were watching my return to capture me. Of course I did not go near him, but hid in the bushes and kept a sharp lookout. I soon discovered that there was a man not far off on the lookout, but after remaining for some time he left. Two boys then came down to the river; crossed over to my side. I captured one of them and learned that the Yankees had all gone down the river, the last of them having left but a short time before. I went to the house, where I was kindly welcomed and well fed. Mrs. M. was kind enough to send two negroes to swim my horse across the river. When they were in the very act of bringging him down the bank a party of Federals dislocsed themselves and carried off horse and negroes. Again believing they would come over, I ran to the bushes and concealed myself all day and part of the night. At night, seeing a signal which had been arranged between Mrs. M. and myself, I went to the house and was most hospitably entertained. On the third morning the sma scene was re-enacted, and I spent the day in the bushes exposed to the most tremendous rain I ever saw. This day they treated my kind host with much indginity and destroyed his boat. I came in at night, and concluding that these constant and repeated visits to this particular house were prompted by the knowledge that I was in the vicinity, I determined to go across the river and seek shelter again in the hills and bushes. I walked two miles to a point where there was a little boat lying opposite, and concealing myself, waited the arrival of some citizen, believing that some one would soon come, now that all the boats except this one had been destroyed. A man soon came along, the boat came over for him; I discovered myself just as they were going off, and by force of arms obtained a passage across.

After leaving the river and in passing along a narrow pathway over the cliff immediately contiguous I encountered a Federal soldier, whom, while attempting to capture me, I shot dead. I reached my place, laid up in the bushes, was well fed, received many letters in reply to those I had written. My work was progressing well, when one night I was lured to his housw by a man represented to be entirely reliable, and when asleep in bed was surrounded and caputred. I was aware of General Burbridge's bloody order requiring all officers and men caught without their commands to be shot on the spot and not brought in as prisoners. I had many misgivings. I was conducted to the little town of Ownton, and there confined in the court-house under a heavy guard with eighteen other men. We were kept here several days, the major who was in command of the troops being absent in Lexington. When he returned he came into the room where we were all together, and after questioning all the other men he took me into an adjoining room. He stated to me that under the orders he had received from headquarters all of us would be shot the next morning at 9 o'clock. I planned and would have attempted an escape that night - had determined to force the guard - but before the time appointed we were taken and placed in little cells in the county jail, the most loathsome and horrible places I have ever seen. There were eight men in my cell, a little room about eight feet by six. The walls and floor were of cast iron. It was wet and foul, and the only air was admitted through a little grating in the door about the size of a small pane of glass. Here a guard was stationed. After remaining some time in this horrible place - so foul was the air that I became extremely sick - I vominted a great deal. The sentinel at the door discovering my condition reported it to the major, who ordered me to be taken out and carried back to the court-house and there kept under strict guard. I soon recovered. How those poor men who were left in that hole managed to live through the night is a mystery to me. I am sure I should have died had I remained two hours longer.

Next morning a party of men were detailed, as I learned, for the execution. Immediately after breakfast Major Mahoney came round to the room where I was to see, I suppose, if I was well enough to be shot. During the interview which ensued I succeeded in convincing him of the barbarity of the order of General Burbridge and persuading him to take us all to Lexington. One man who had been brought into the town the evening before had been executed. I heard the guns by which he was killed, but I never saw the man. They said he was a guerrilla; the man claimed, as I learned, to be a Confederate soldiers. After this th emajro was kind enought to parole me to the limits of the town. Next morning we all started for Lexington, General Burbridge's headquarters. I was mounted on a horse and rode at will with the command, and had much conversation with the major, who seemed to be a pleasant and humane man. The other prisoners were placed in wagons and brought in under strict guard. When we reached the line between Owen and Franklin Counties the command was halted, sixteen men were detailed, the major dismounted, and I saw him writing an order. The column moved forward and I went with it. After we had proceeded some 200 or 300 yards the major rode up beside me and remarked that this was a "most horrible was." I asked the reason of his remark, and he told me he had just ordered four of those prisoners in the wagons to be shot at th eline of the two counties as an example to all malefactors. My blood ran cod in my veins, and I begged him to spare the men; told him that such acts were evidently inconsistent with his character; that there could b eno difficulty if he used the necessary precautions about carrying these men to Lexington, and if this deed of blood had to be committed, were I in his place I would leave it to General Burbridge to carry it through. He concluded to spare the men, sent back an officer to stop the execution, and we moved on.

I wish I could tell you of several scenes which transpired along the road, going to show the complete subjugation of the population and their abject submission, but this narrative is already too long and I must bring it to an end. We reached Frankfort and I was turned loose on parole with instructions to report next morning at the railroad depot. I saw during the night many of my relatives and friends and succeeded in enlisting them in my favor. They were all Union peoplel - at least professed to be so. On the following morning I was placed under a new guard and carried on the train to Lexington, taking leave of Major Mahoney, who had been very kind after he determined not to shoot me. At Lexington we were carried to the office of the provost-marshal, who, after insulting and using the most abusive language to us all, had us committed to the prison. This prison was an old warehouse, in a long room of which were about 120 men of all descriptions - Yankee deserters, men belonging to General Grant's army who had been sent through the lines by the Confederate Government and captured in Kentucky, men who belonged to the guerrilla bands who infest the State, bounty jumpers, disaffected citizens, and Confederate soldiers. There were occasionally during my stay a few negroes introduced in this room, but they never remained long, were threated with greater consideration than the whites, and the same charges which would keep a white man for months would not detain a negro as many days. A more filthy, loathsome, and uncomfortable place could not be well conceived, full of filth and swarming with vermin. The four large windows fronting north and south had scarcely a pane of glass in them. The floor was uneven and full of cracks. There were two large stoves, which were [sic.] fully supplied with fuel served very poorly to keep up anything like a comfortable temperature, and which for many days and nights of the severest weather the past winter were not in blast for the want of fuel. Many of the prisoners were wretchedly clothed, some of them almost naked; a large number of them had no blankets, and how they survived some of those bitter cold nights was a matter of astonishment to me. they were required to lie down at 8 o'clock, where they were compelled to remain all night, and I frequently expected when day dawned upon us to see the men frozen to death.

The execution under the bloody order of General Burbridge commenced about this time. One day immediately after may arrival the provost-marshal, Lieutenant Vance, came into the room, and looking over the men picked out fifteen. They were carried downstairs. In a short time five of them returned. They had drawn lots for their lives and escapted; the order ten were taken out and shot. The day after six others were carried out and executed. Three men who were brought in and belonged to Jessee's command, within four hours after their arrival were carried from the prison and hung, and this thing went on until twenty-eight of our number, almost invariably Confederate soldiers, had fallen victims to this unheard - of barbarity. You may imagine - I cannot describe - the horror and dread which spread among the prisoners at witnessing these scenes. These men were not tried before a military commission or court-martial. They were simply selected by the provost-marshal, as it seemed to me, without any reference to the guilt or innocence of the parties, just as a butcher would go into a slaughter pen and select at his will be beeves or the sheep or the hogs which he might wish to destroy. the thing was very horrible. About one-half the men in the prison wer in irons, some of them with handcuffs on their wrists, others with balls and chains on their limbs; many of them chained together two and two. We were fed on ship crackers, cold beef, coffee, and bean soup. Our supplies were in sufficient quantities, and though many of the men complained, so far as food was involved I never suffered. We were guarded a portion of the time by negro troops. They were not obtrusive nor insulting; were extremely vigilant, and I verily think the best garrison troops I have seen during the war. The private soldiers of Indiana regiments, who were nearly all the time upon duty in the prison, were, generally speaking, orderly, well - behaved, well - disciplined men; many of them were even kind to the prisoners. In fact, all the acts of bratality which were perpetrated upon us were invariably attribatable to the officers and not to the private soldiers.

In these uncomfortable quarters many of the men fell sick. Measles, mumps, diphteria, typhoid fever, erysipelas, and pneumonia prevailed to an alarming extent. No man was ever carried to the hospital until he was almost in extremis, and many of them died.

After remeining in the room some six weeks we were transferred to another much larger and more comfortable apartment, but the sickness among us was on the increase, and, in addition to the diseases above mentioned, the smallpox made its appearance in our midst. This gave us great uneasiness and a good many were carried off to the hospital. In the late part of January I was taken ill. I suffered greatly for several days. The doctor, who was kind, on the fourth day after my attack pronounced my disease smallpox or varioloid and decided to send me to the pest - house. A horse - cart was driven to the door of the prison and I was placed in it with a poor negro from another prison, and, with the wind blowing fiercely and the snow falling fast, we were carried to a house some three miles in the country, which was used as a hospital for smallpox patients of all kinds. My courage has been tried upon many a battle-field - I have fronted death in a thousand shapes - but never was it so severely tried as when I was conducted into the small room where I was to be treated for this loathsome disease. There were seven patients already in the room, several of them in the last stages of the disease, all of them horribly swollen and wretchedly offensive. My clothes, everything belonging to me except the chains upon my limbs, were taken from me and carried away. I was dressed in some old Federal traps and placed upon a straw mattress on a little iron bedstead. The same evening one of the men in my room died; he was taken out at once to be buried, and I was immediately transferred to his place. There was a large negor on one side of me dreadfully ill, and beyond conception offensive. Next morning another man died. This poor fellow was from my prison, and like me had fetters upon hil limbs. After his death men came in, knocked the chains from the stiffening corpse, and he was carried off. Immediately I was changed into his place. Next day another man, one of the negroes, died, and they were about to move me again, but I protested and they desisted. My attack was a slight one, and in ten days I was back again in my prison quarters. Here, after remaining some time longer, it was announced to me that I was to be sent on for special exchange. My irons were taken off and I was placed upon the cars and sent to Louisville and thence to Fort Monroe.
Such is an imperfect narrative of my capture and confinement.
Very respectfully,
J. D. MORRIS,
Colonel, C. S. Army.

Prisoners Of War Statements-Civil War.

There is little I can say in the from of a introduction to this page as the statements will speak for themselves. About all I can say is these statements are very, very sad, but you will learn what it was like to be a prisoner of war.

Note. Watch for added information at the end of each statement, as I will add any information that I can find.

Note. This information comes from the Librsry of Congress, House Report No. 45, of the 40th, Congress, entitled, Treatment of Prisoners of War by the Rebel Authorities

Statement of Patrick McShay, Hazleton, Pennsylvania.

Was a sergeant in Company A, Twenty-eighth Pennsylvania volunteers. I was taken prisoner on the 4th of December, 1864, near Millen, Georgia. Marched on foot to Augusta, Georgia, about fifty miles, in nearly two days. Had one meal of boiled sweet potatoes on the march. No other food. Next day, at 8 a. m., we had a quart of corn meal, unbolted, and a piece of fresh beef, a pound. This lasted me sixty hours. Went by rail, in box cat, to Florence, and was put in stockade prison pen. About twenty acres contained, I think, in it. This was occupied by about seven thousand prisoners. I had no shelter for seven days. Then they let us build shelter of pine tree tops covered with dirt. The prisoners burrowed caves in the ground, and we lived in them like rabbits. They gave us neither blanket nor clothing. On my way to prison, when near Milieu, an Alabama or Mississippi rebel robbed me of my blanket, watch, and $185 in money. Our food in the prison pen was one pint of unbolted corn meal a day, no meat while I was there, and two table spoons full of Carolina stock peas, raw, were given us about three times a week. We cooked the meal and beans in half a canteen, over a fire. They gave us no cooking utensils. We broke the canteen so as to make a kind of cup of it. We had no other rations in that prison. I was there about eleven weeks. I forget the names of the rebel officers in charge of us. Part of the ground in Florence Prison was wet and part dry. Some had to lie in the wet. I was taken from Florence to Wilmington, North Carolina, and thence to Goldsboro, North Carolina, where our squad of prisoners was turned loose in the woods and swamp, and a guard was placed around us. We had no shelter. Our food was about two pounds of salt meet cooked, and about three days’ allowance of hard tack. (1 mean about three days’ United States army allowance.) On this we lived for seven days. I do not think I could have lived one week longer if I had been left at Florence. I was so weak that I couldn’t go to the water, about twenty yards. My parents did not know me ‘when I got home, I was so thin.

Added info. Mustered in June 28, 1861, for 3, years, Promoted to Corporal, January 1, 1864; to Sergeant, February 1, 1865; mustered out with Company, July 18, 1865; Vet. Also note his last name was also spelled: MC Shay, M’Shay, Mc Shea, M’Shea.

H. B. Agnes.

I now reside at Keokuk, Iowa; belonged to Berdan’s sharpshooters; was a private. I enlisted in Jefferson City, Missouri. I was in the service four years and four months. I was captured at Resaca, Georgia, on the 14th of May, 1864. I was wounded by a spherical case shell. I was picked up toward evening, in the woods, by the rebels, mid they carried me in an ambulance, first to Dalton, then by rail to West Point, and then by ambulance to Andersonville. My wounds were not dressed till I got to Andersonville, and then very poorly, with dirty rags. I was put into the stockade, and sectioned off in a battalion, under General Winder. There were some twenty odd thousand men in there then. The rations consisted of corn bread, rice, beans, and stinking meat, twice a week. I have seen boys hung up there by the toes and by the fore-fingers, as a mode of punishment. I also saw men shot for attempting to pick up a crust of bread just over the dead-line. They used to call us “Yankee sons of bitches” and “Lincoln hirelings,” till we got used to it. I saw one man bayoneted while doing some work on the outside for Wirz. He didn’t do it just as lie wanted it, and the guard drove a bayonet into him, so that he died. I was in the hospital then, and could see it from where I lay. Our hospital diet consisted of cold water, rice, soup, and corn bread three times a week. This man who was bayoneted was brought in the hospital where I was, and (lied there. He was a carpenter, and didn’t do his work to suit Wirz. He was from New Hampshire, Hillsboro County. I escaped from Andersonville after I had been there about six months, by tunneling out. Three of us got out at the same time. We started for the woods. The second day I was out I discovered bloodhounds were chasing me. I climbed a tree and they ran by. Then I got down and went to a darkey’s cabin, and got some meat and potatoes, corn bread, and milk, and they also gave me all I could put in my pockets. I started out again, but the next day I was overtaken by two men on horseback, and was taken to Salisbury, North Carolina, and put in the Salisbury jail. There I was treated worse than at Andersonville. The rations were very scanty, not enough to satisfy hunger—a small piece of bacon, half as big as your finger, and a piece of corn bread, about half an inch thick and five inches square. I understood there was plenty of bacon outside, several hundred pounds. The place where I was confined was small, dark, and filthy. I was a prisoner there six weeks, and then I was sent to our lines and exchanged. The corn bread we had was just like a rock. You could throw it at a stone wall and it wouldn’t break.
H. B. AGNES.

William J. Patton, of Little Rock, Arkansas.
Also: James Eckels & Joshua Day.

I was captain of Company K, First Arkansas loyal cavalry. Two men of my company, James Eckels and Joshua Day, were captured by the rebel forces at Prairie Grove, in December, 1862. They were reported to General Hindman, who ordered them shot, on the charge that they were traitors to the State. The order was executed.
WM. J. PATTON.
Little, Rock Arkansas, February 10, 1868.
Added Info: Enl 1 Apr 1865 at Devalls Bluff, AR. Age 24. Assumed command of the company 11 Mar 1865. (Died 7, July, 1907. Buried in National Cemetery, Fayetteville, AR.

H. C. Mc Quiddy.

I was captured May 3, 1863, with Colonel A. P. Streight, near Rome, Georgia; was sent to Libby, Richmond, Virginia; reached Libby on the 16th of May, 1863; left on May 9, 1864. Of my treatment while in Libby, the most that I have to say is that if the pangs of hunger ever ceased to gnaw at my vitals, I had to thank others than the rebels. I can truthfully say that for months my hunger was never satisfied. At Columbia I received the worst treatment that fell to my lot; a small ration of meal, sorghum, and salt was issued, no meat for nearly six months, yet from two to three beeves were hung up daily in their sutler’s shop for sale, and had not our friends furnished us with means from home, I verily believe that we would have starved. I will give you just what they issued to us for three days’ rations: Five pints meal, one of rice, two of sorghum, two table spoonful of salt; this was our full rations for several mouths at Columbia. I made my second escape from Columbia; was recaptured near Augusta, Georgia, and taken to the barracks at Augusta. I had received from home, not long before, a new suit of clothes; I was stripped of everything except shoes and drawers by Lieutenant A. Moore, commanding the barracks, he took from me overcoat, dress-coat, pants, vest, suspenders, shirt, and gloves, knife, and pocket-book, and from others of the party he took articles of clothing, &e.; this occurred in November, 1864. I have said nothing mistreatment of others; several prisoners were fired on in Libby by the guard, withit provocation; one man was killed in Macon, Georgia, without cause, and one or two men killed in Columbia, South Carolina. I have forgotten names and dates, but add my testimony to the facts. I will also state that no shelter was furnished us at Columbia.

H. C. McQUIDDY,
Late Captain Company D, Fifth Tennessee Cavalry.
GALLATIN, TENNESSEE, November 9, 1867.

Charles W. Parker, of Bolton, Massachusetts, late first sergeant Company I, Sixteenth, Connecticut volunteers.

I was captured at Plymouth, North Carolina, and kept a prisoner ten months. Au account of the sufferings experienced and witnessed by me would fill a book. I was in the prisons at Andersouville, Charleston, and Florence. I was occasionally outside of the stockade and at Wirz’s headquarters, and assert that the current accounts of the punishments inflicted and the cruelties practiced are reliable. During the winter of 1864 and 1865 I was in the prison at Florence. It was under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Iverson, and his worse than brute subordinate, Lieutenant Barrett, of the Fifth Georgia regiment. The treatment was in many respects far worse than at Andersonville. In the matter of rations, wantonly shooting prisoners, infliction of kicks and blows upon the sick by the officers when inside of the stockade, having been in both prisons, I may safely risk my word in saying they were fir worse than at Andersonville. I was beaten on the head with a club, by order of Lieutenant Barrett, which came near ending my life. We were at one time one hundred days without meat of any kind. I have seen prisoners shot for skiug the guard for a chew of tobacco. A comrade of mine, a mere boy, the son of a widowed mother, was shot because he wan too weak to get to the sink. When emaciated by disease and starvation to such an extent that it seemed impossible for me to recover, I was sent through the lines, to be exchanged.
C. W. PARKER.
BOLTON, MASSACHUSETTS, August 26, 1867.

Myron W Tilson, of South Hanson, Massachusetts, late ensign in the United
States volunteer navy.

I was captured at Murrell’s Inlet, South Carolina, with fourteen sailors. I was robbed of all the personal property in my possession; was placed in charge of General White, who consoled me with the thought that it was lucky for us that we were not nil murdered. The men were forced to march, with their hands tied behind I heir backs, to Georgetown, South Carolina, where we received the first food during forty-eight hours. We were sent to Charleston, South Carolina, delivered over to Captain Geyer, and lodged in jail. We were confined thus for three weeks. We were given about three quarts of cracked corn, boiled, and four small bottles of water, per day, for fifteen men. I was sent to Columbia, South Carolina. This post was commanded by Major C. D. Melton, afterward by Colonel Green. Captain Harris, of Fourth Tennessee cavalry, was here confined in irons, as he was for two years, under sentence of death, which, however, was never carried into effect. After remaining in Columbia about three weeks, all the noncommissioned officers and privates were sent first to Belle Isle and afterward to the slaughter pen at Andersonville. under command of the monster Wirz, where, in four months, under the starvation policy, eleven of my fourteen men, captured with me, died. While at Columbia all the privates that were then there, some forty or fifty, ‘were placed in irons for refusing to clean up the filth and dirt made by the confederate conscripts. They were finally compelled to obey the degrading order to escape starvation.

Late Ensign United State. Volunteer Navy.
South Hanson, Massachusetts, September 30, 1867.

George J. Hull, Fairfield, Vermont.
I was a private of First Vermont vo1unteers Was captured at Brandy Station, Virginia. Was a prisoner for fourteen months Was confined in Richmond, Belle Isle, Andersonville, and Florence. It would be impossible for me to give a detailed account of our treatment. I can only give a few items as specimens. At the tobacco warehouse in Richmond I have seen men shot for looking out of the windows. When I was moved to Belle Isle it was cold, wet, and muddy in the winter. Shelter was provided for only a portion of the men. Many perished from the exposure. The dead were taken outside and allowed to remain for several days. I have seen the bodies torn and eaten by the hogs. A dog belonging to a lieutenant in charge of us got into the camp and was speedily killed and part of it cooked and eaten. The man who did it was discovered and forced to eat the remainder of it raw. We were sent to Audersonville in box cars so closely crowded that we could not even lie down. It was a common thing to see from one hundred to two hundred men at a time awaiting burial. It was also common for Wirz to withhold the rations for forty-eight hours, and then try to get the men to take the oath of allegiance to the confederacy.
GEORGE HULL.
Fairfield, Vermont, December 27, 1867.

Charles. E Currie, of Millville, New Jersey.

While a prisoner in the hands of the rebels at Savage’s Station, the rebel officers went through the camp inducing us to trade greenbacks for confederate money to the amount of $3,000. We were sent from Savage’s Station to Libby Prison. Two officers stood at the door and forced us to give up the confederate money. We complained to General Winder, who told us we were not sharp and he could do nothing for us. Thin was in July, 1862.

CHARlES. F. CURRIE,
Late Corporal Fourth New Jersey Volunteers.
MILLVILLE, NEW JERSEY, July 29, 1867.

James W. Humphrey, of Ottawa, Kansas.
I was corporal of Company A, Fourteenth Illinois cavalry; was taken prisoner near Macon, Georgia, July 31, 1864. Alter capture we were robbed of our valuables, and even our good boots takn from us. We were taken to Andersonville after a long, tedious route, suffering much from hunger on the way. When we arrived we were stripped naked and our clothes searched, even to ripping open the seams. While the search was going on I asked a guard for a drink of water. Wirz asked for the damned Yankee who asked for water, and told the guard to bayonet any one of us who spoke i word. I saw a mere boy, who through weakness had fallen across the dead-line, shot through the head. Also saw a crazy man shot for making too much noise. I have often heard men praying for death while lying on the ground rotting with the scurvy. I have seen the officers kick and stamp on men who happened to be lying in their way, unable to get up. Men were placed in the stocks, lying on their backs with their faces to the sun, and kept so for twenty-four hours. We had no shelter over us, and were compelled to lie in the dust or mud, as the weather vas wet or dry. Stars ing, covered with vermin, rotting with scurvy, wasting with diarrhea, almost naked, no change of clothing, no soap to wash the few rags they had. I must leave our condition to imagLnation. It cannot be described. JAMES W. HUMPHREY,
Late Corporal Company I, Fourteenth Illinois Cavalry.
Ottawa Kansas, August 5, 1867.

Added info. ILLINOIS CIVIL WAR DETAIL REPORT.

HUMPHREY, JAMES, Rank Private Company I Unit 14 IL US CAV., Residence CHERRY GROVE, CARROLL CO, IL., Age 43, Height 6' 2, Hair BROWN, Eyes GRAY, Complexion DARK, Marital Status N/A, Occupation LABORER, Nativity WYOMING CO, PA., Joined When DEC 31, 1863, Joined Where DIXON, IL., Period 3 YRS., Muster In JAN 11, 1864, Muster In Where DIXON, IL., Muster Out JUL 31, 1865, Muster Out Where PULASKI, TN., AS CORPORAL.

Horace C. Scoville, of Rockford, Illinois.

I was captain of Company K, Ninety-second Illinois. At time of capture was first lieutenant. Was captured at Nickajack Gap, Georgia, April23, 1864. We were taken by a part of Wheeler’s force. Five or six of the captured were shot down after we had been marched about two miles, without any cause whatever. I got a severe blow on the head at the same time. Most of those shot were shot by one Lieutenant Pointer, an aide-do-camp on Wheeler’s staff. The party by which we were captured were commanded by a Colonel King. These facts can be substantiated by everyone of the party then captured, who escaped murder at Andersonville. We were taken to Tunnel Hill, Wheeler’s headquarters, where I was questioned an hour, regarding the movements of our army, &c. I took occasion to tell him how the men with me had been shot, all of which he feigned could not be true.
HORACE C. SCOVILLE,
Late Captain Ninety-second Illinois Volunteers.
ROCKFORD, ILLINOIS, October 7, 1867.

Added info: ILLINOIS CIVIL WAR DETAIL REPORT.

SCOVILLE, HORACE C., Rank Captain, Company K., Unit 92 IL US INF., Residence MT MORRIS, OGLE CO, IL., Age 31, Height 5' 6 ¾, Hair LIGHT, Eyes BLUE, Complexion LIGHT, Marital Status SINGLE, Occupation MERCHANT, Nativity HASTINGS, OSWEGO CO, NY., Joined When MAY 12, 1865, Joined Where CONCORD, NC., Period 3 YRS., Muster Out JUN 21, 1865, Muster Out Where CONCORD, NC. Also note when he became a 1st & 2nd. Lieutenant he was 29 years.
Note. He was a Second Lieutenant September 4, 1862, Promoted to First Lieutenant April 18, 1863, became Captain May 12, 1865.

James B. Herriman, of Lawn Ridge, Illinois.

I was a private in the Twenty-second New York cavalry; was captured in Virginia November 12, 1864, and was a prisoner until March 22,1865. I was at Libby and alisbury. The rations were not near large enough to Sustain life at Libby; and men were shot who attempted to look out of the windows. At Salisbury we were ii. an open field, with no shelter for two-thirds of the prisoners. I saw men shot down by the guards on mere pretense of violation of orders. I have seen many of the man with their feet frozen and swelled until they burst open, and a complete mass of matter; these poor fellows walking around in mud four inches deep. The dead were taken out in wagons, on which they would he loaded until anus, legs, and heads would hang over the sides and be scraped by tie wheels. I have seen women standing over the entrance, pointing to the loads of naked dead, and laughing at the big load of dead
Yankees.
JAMES B. HERRIMAN.
LAWN RIDGE, ILL., August 12, 1867.

HERMAN WESTERFELD.

I reside at St. Louis, Missouri; was a private in Company H, Fourth Missouri cavalry, and was captured on the 5th of May, 1864, on Red River, at a place called Snaggy Point, by General Major’s confederate command. They captured us about 12 o’clock, awl took us some ten or twelve miles in the country, and we camped there for the night. We did not get anything to eat there, at least, I did not. They marched us next morning again, and gave us some corn-bread about 12 o’clock. Then they marched us again all the next day, and we did not get anything in the morning or evening to eat. Next day they stopped and gave us some bacon to eat. They kept us traveling on that way until we got to Natchitoches.

There they kept us inside of the court-house. One of our men tried to get out of the door to go to the sink and lie was shot by the guard. He did not try to run out. He died about two hours after he was shot. I don’t know his name. From there they marched us to Grand de Coer, and kept us a couple of days. They put us on the beat and sent us up to Shreveport. They hardly gave us anything to eat; if we did get anything, it was a little corn-meal and bread. Sometimes they would give it to us once a day, and sometimes we would wait a day and a half before we got anything.

After we got into Shreveport they kept us there a (lay and a half, to the best of nay knowledge, and they put us in au old store, a feed-store, it used to be. They had their own prisoners above, and it was such a lousy place you could see them fall down on you from above. From there they marched us to Marshall, Texas. We camped there all night, and then they marched us to Camp Ford, in Texas. That was in the evening. They didn’t give us anything to eat until next day, somewhere in the afternoon. We had no shelter whatever; and next day they gave us some corn meal, a pint or probably a little over, to a man. They gave us no wood though, nor nothing to cook it in. They kept us there about fourteen days without giving us any shelter. After that, they allowed some of us to go out and get some brash to build sheds of. The fourteen days that we staid in there it was raining pretty near every day, and a good many of our boys at that time got sick, from not having our victuals cooked as they ought to be. It was coarse corn-meal, and they got the diarrhea from eating it and lying in the wet; and I have seen men, while I was in there, die for the want of sufficient food. One man, who slept next to me, had the diarrhea so bad from eating this corn meal that he just fell down” and died.

During the time I staid in there I saw one of our anon shot by the guard outside; I don’t know for what cause; and I saw another one who was shot by the guard; I can’t name the regiment he belonged to. He had the diarrhea and was coming toward the sinks we had in one corner of the stockade; the guard outside hallooed at the man as he came along, that he would kill the next Yankee that he saw going by. They treated us so, that if a man didn’t die with the diarrhea, he would have the scurvy. I had it myself, and they wouldn’t give us any vegetables or anything that was sour, to prevent it. There was what they called a hospital outside of the stockade—a log-house built by some of our men—and I have helped to carry men out there myself, but they didn’t give them anything except corn bread, and once in a while, a little wheat bread. I was in there thirteen months. I have seen men taken out and punished for hallooing’ Keno.” They would take them out of the camp and put them on a stump all day in the hot sun without a cap or hat. When the boys went in there they had a little money, and they used to pass away the time by playing keno, until the adjutant would come in and take all their money, and on that account they would call him Keno, and he would punish them by putting them on a stump. I have seen our men taken out and made to mark time a couple of hours for hallooing “Keno.” They took away from our prisoners all the money that they could find while we were in there, that is, the adjutant of the post did.

I was captured on a gunboat, and for that reason they treated us better than the others. A good many of the prisoners there who belonged to the laud forces, they took all their clothes away before they came in. General Majors, after he captured us, told us that he respected the gunboat men; he said he had been in the United States Army himself, and that the troops were nothing but a set of rascals and thieves, but that he would treat the gunboat men better. A good many of the men had nothing but old pants on, the rebels having taken away their pants when they were captured, then given them their old ones. This was at Camp Tyler, in Texas. This camp is about five or six miles from Tyler City. While here, some days we didn’t get our food at all.

Whenever it rained, as there was a creek between the camp and the city, the rain would swell the creek, and the rebels would give as an excuse for not giving us food, that they couldn’t get it across the creek. I recollect on several occasions we didn’t get anything at all during the whole day. Another thing we didn’t get, and that was sufficient wood to cook our victuals. During the winter time we hadn’t enough to keep warm. Once in a while they would let twenty of our men out at a time to chop trees down and carry them in, and they would send a guard along. Then they would allow some of us to go out and cut some brush, after we had staid there a while, to make a shelter.

The treatment we received was very bad. I have seen men brought in there who had marks all around their necks, where they had put ropes around them, and tied them to the horses and dragged them along the ground, on account of their being too sick to walk any more. I have seen men brought in there who had managed to escape from the stockade, but had been recaptured by bloodhounds. I have seen them with their pants all torn to pieces, and some of them had their legs torn pretty badly by the hounds.

I don’t recollect who was in command at Camp Tyler; they called him colonel. They had a good many there, and they didn’t stay but a short time generally. One time I remember a Colonel Brown was in command. I heard some of the guard say that they could give us more food if they wanted to, but they wouldn’t do it; that they were supplying the whole confederacy with beef, and had plenty of provisions, all that they could give us more if they wanted to. I have seen them bringing in things and selling them to our men, such as flour, coffee, and sweet potatoes. We could get most anything we wanted if we had the money, but the adjutant of the post took all the money he could find away from us, and we didn’t dare to show our money when he was around. I know some men came in there and traded confederate money for greenbacks. They said they wouldn’t take greenbacks for things that we could buy, and they would give us five dollars in confederate money for one in greenbacks, and when it came to near the close of the war they would give us ten.

The graveyard was right in sight of the camp, and they would generally bring body’s there, and bury them. Soon after we got there, on account of their giving us corn meal, a good many died. I have seen as many as five or six die in one day. There were about forty-five hundred prisoners when I first went there. Some of them were exchanged after a while, and about the last of the war there were about eighteen hundred, I believe. To the best of my knowledge, some seven or eight hundred must have died. The surgeon never came into the in closure, to my knowledge, and I never heard of any sick-call. If a man got sick, he generally staid there till he got so low he couldn’t walk, and then we would carry him Up to the hospital in our blankets. I hardly ever saw anybody go in the hospital before they were so low that I thought they couldn’t recover. Most of them had scurvy or diarrhea, and they let them stay in the camp so long without giving them any medicine, that they couldn’t recover.

While I was in there I heard one of the guard say, “Whenever we kill one of you Yankees we can get a furlough of so many days,’ but he didn’t state whether he had orders from the officers to shoot us or not. Our officers were camped a little to one side of the men, but we were all in the same in closure, and treated in the same manner. I heard officers who had come in out of the rebel army saying that they would starve us out. I don’t know whether they were connected with the camp, or whether they were officers who were passing, and stopped in to see us. There never was any inspection of the prison by the officers in command of it, to my knowledge, and I should have known of it if there had been.

They would come in several times—the guards—and look around, to see whether we had dug any holes to get out. Once I saw them punish a man by bucking and gagging him. Sometimes they would punish them for loud talking after night; but most of the time they punished them for hallooing “ Keno.” Whenever the boys would see the adjutant of the post outside they would halloo “Keno,” and then he would come in, and if the boys would not tell who had done it, be would take several of them out and make them mark time. Several times I was threatened by the guard that he would shoot me, I don’t know what for; I would be going up and down, and I would see them with their guns across the stockade, and they would say, “Get away, you damned Yankees, or we will kill you sure.”

Fifteen feet from the stockade, they had what they called “dead-hue,” but there was nothing to mark it so you could see it, but they would tell us not to come within fifteen feet of the stockade. One man who slept next to me said he felt so bad on account of not getting anything to eat that he wanted to go across the deadline and be shot, but I persuaded him not to do it. Afterward he was sent to the hospital, and I heard he died there. There was clothing sent to us twice by our men. The last time some of the clothing was missing, and I heard the man in command of the camp say that his boys didn’t take it, but that they took it while it was on the way there, and he said they would send cotton for that to our government, to make up for it.
HERRMANN WESTERFELD.

Francis E. Weed.

I was first sergeant Company B, Thirteenth Connecticut volunteers; was captured at Winchester, Virginia, September 19th, 1864. Our treatment on the roundabout march to Richmond was almost incredible. Some of the men were without shoes; their feet became so swollen or cut up on the rough roads that they had to be forced along at the point of the bayonet. We were put into Libby Prison and every man searched thoroughly for money, &c. If any was found the criminal was shockingly abused for not giving it up when ordered; blankets, hats, shoes, and such things having been taken before. We were sent from Libby to Belle Isle. While there several were killed by the guards. We were sent to Salisbury, North Carolina. Our rations were miserable iii quality and not sufficient in quantity to allay the cravings of hunger. Meat was seldom issued and generally covered with maggots. When we had fresh meat it was cooked with everything that could be eaten, head, eyes, ears, lights, &c. The tripe and other entrails were brought into the stockade without being cleaned, and left for the men to light over like a pack of wolves. For two months we were without sufficient water to drink. There were quite a number killed here by the guards at Belle Isle. One colored prisoner was shot by a guard who said he wanted to kill a “black Yankee;“ this is but one of many instances that might be given. Sometimes they would shoot into the stockade all night, at intervals. On the 25th of November, starved to desperation, we made an unsuccessful attempt to break out of the stockade, which cost us the loss of seventy killed and wounded. They would keep all rations from us for two or three days, then they would try to recruit for the rebel army, offering, as an inducement, full rations, warm clothing, and $100 confederate money. They obtained but few recruits, comparatively most pf the men preferring to leave the stockade in the dead-cart to liberty on such terms.
FRANCIS E. WEED,
Late First Sergeant Company B, Thirteenth Connecticut Volunteers.

Wilson G. H. Moore.

I was a corporal of Company C, Seventh New York artillery. Was taken prisoner May 19. 1864, near Spottsylvania Court House, Virginia. I had four men with me when captured; they all (bed in the rebel prisons. I was a prisoner for six months and ten days. We were marched three (lays without rations, when a quart of meal was issued, but no salt or cooking utensils. At Gordonsville there were some four hundred, captured from different parts of our lines. We were marched to the provost marshal’s, where we were robbed of everything, and then started for Andersonville, where I saw men shot without cause, and have seen escaped prisoners returned terribly torn by bloodhounds used in their recapture. The rations issued to us were not sufficient to stay the cravings of hunger, and of a quality perfectly disgusting. From Andersonville I was sent to Charleston, and from thence to Florence, South Caro1ina where I suffered more than at any other prison, for it had grown quite cold. Many of us were barefooted and bareheaded. Our rations were very irregularly issued, and were often withheld a number of days at a time. I have seen numbers of the men chilled to death at this prison; cruelty and personal abuse the same as at the other prisons I was in.
WILSON G. H. MOORE.
Late Corporal Battery C, Seventh Yew York Artillery.
TARRYTOWN, NEW YORK, November 8, 1867.

Newton W. .Elemendorf.

I was a corporal of Company C, Sixth Pennsylvania reserves. Was taken prisoner August 19, 1864, on the Weldon railroad; was sent to Libby, where they robbed us of our money, &e. One of our men found a cartridge, which he threw out of the window. We were ordered into line, and thirty rebel guards brought in, who were ordered to shoot the first man who moved out of his tracks. We were told that we would be kept there until we died, or the man who threw the cartridge be given up. After about six horn’s the man who threw it told them it was he. The keeper (whose name I have forgotten) had him bucked and gagged until he was nearly dead. We were taken from Libby to Belle Isle, confined in an open space with little or no shelter. While going to the river, on one occasion, for water, the guard fired on us, killed one and wounded three. Were removed from Belle Isle to Salisbury, North Carolina. Saw a Lieutenant Wilson shot by the guard ten feet from the dead-line. I have seen our men fired on by the guard while sitting or standing in little squads. As for provisions, I am unable to give any description of them which would give any idea of our suffering on that score alone.
NEWTON W. ELEMENDORF.
NEW YORK CITY, September 15,1867.

Added info. Newton W. Elrnendorf Corporal, mustered in May 13, 1861, for 3, years, transferred to 191st Regiment P. V., May 31, 1864; Vet.

W. H. Shrirer or Schriver.

I was a private in the Third West Virginia cavalry; wan captured with twenty-nine others, at Winchester, Virginia, 8th of April, 1864. I wan the only one of that number who returned to duty with the regiment; the others had died or were discharged as disabled; We were immediately searched, amid stripped of everything of any value to us; they took coats, boots, hats, &c. We were marched four days at the rate of thirty miles per day, fording creeks, &c., some of our number having nothing but shirt and pants. At night we were turned into some old barn anti a little corn meal given us which we could not cook, for they had taken all cups and other utensils from us. We arrived in Richmond on the 13th of April, 1864, and were put into Castle Pemberton. Our sufferings in those close quarters no one can understand who was out there. Was removed to the hospital under treatment for three months, when I was appointed nurse. The suffering of our men in the hospital was awful. Was taken to Belle Isle, which was in plain sight of Jefferson Davis’s mansion; he could see his work at any time by looking toward the island, where there were thousands of us almost naked, exposed to the hot sun and the storm alike, without shelter; many made idiots and insane by starvation and exposure, rotting with the scurvy, wasting away with starvation, eaten with vermin; the dead often eaten by rats before burial; always hungry, craving food, gnawing bare bones like dogs, abused, insulted and beaten at the will of the brutes in charge of us. Four of my comrades were shot for alleged violations of the prison rules. It is enough to drive one crazy even now to look back over the terrible scenes of suffering witnessed in those prison hells.
W. H. SHRIVER.
MOORESVILLE, WEST VIRGINIA, August 5, 1867.

Added info: Shriver, William H., enrolled at Morgantown, W.Va., age 21, mustered in Sept. 24, 1862, Morgantown, W.Va., mustered out May 21, 1865, Recruit, captured at Winchester, Va., April, 1864; exchanged March. 25, 1865. Mustered out under G.O. #83, A.G.O., 1865, at Washington, D.C., also note he was in Co. A & F.

Ferries At War-Civil War

The ferry played a important part in the Civil War, for without them the war may have lasted a lot longer. I know some will say how’s that they had Steamboats, yes that’s true but they were always being shot at or running onto sand bars, then you say what about the rail road, well here again it’s true however the tracks were always being blown up, and it may have taken two or three days to rebuild the tracks, you can’t move a army very fast that way. Well they had bridges didn’t they, well of course but these too were being blown up, and what army has time to rebuild them. No it was the ferries the one, two or four man operation, that no one paid much or no notice to, no they were part of the many unsung hero’s of the war.

Note. This information will com from many battle reports and when they talked about farms, houses, ferries on so on, they hardly ever give a first name just the last. I will help the best I can by given you the State, County, a town or anything else I can so you will know this is your ancestor.

Important Note. When I first started this page I had in mind the kind of ferries that was a flat bottom boat that was carried a cross the river by men pulling ropes or by horse or mule, but I soon found this wasn’t the case. To them anything that could get a man across a river was a Ferry other then a bridge, this could be a Steamboat, a flat bottom boat, or a floating pontoon bridge. So I guess the key word here is ( Ferry. ) Many of you who are looking for a ancestor who had a ferry but you don’t know what kind should keep this in mind.

THE ATLANTA CAMPAIGN.

MASON AND TURNER'S FERRY, East Bank, July 4, 1864

[General J. E. JOHNSTON:]
GENERAL: The following are the ferries and crossings between this point and Gorman's Ferry, twelve miles southwest:

Green's (private) Ferry: A mile and a half southwest of this point. Hills on the west side command the ferry; ferry not fortified or guarded, and ferry-boat still there.

Green and Howell's Ferry: Three miles southwest of this point. Ferry fortified on east side; redan with one piece of artillery, and rifle-pits for 100 or 150 men. Two companies (seventy-five men) guard the ferry. Boat on the east side river.

Howell's (old) Ferry (now disused): One mile southwest of Green and Howell's, fordable in dry weather. Ferry not fortified or guarded. No ferry-boat at this point now.

Wilson and Baker's Ferry: Three miles southwest of Green and Howell's; fortified on east side for 100 men.

Sandtown: Two miles southwest from Wilson and Baker's; fortified on east side by rifle-pits for 100 or 150 men. Ferry-boat on east side of river.

Adaholt's: Two miles southwest from Sandtown Ferry; fortified on east bank of river, with rifle-pits for 100 or 150 men.

Gorman's: Two miles southwest of Sandtown; fortified on east side, and guarded by one company.
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1. Brown's Ferry, places they talk about were : bridges at Chattanooga and Moccasin Point, the State Tennessee.

2. Armstrong Ferry road, a distance of 4 1/2 miles from Knoxville.

3. Boyd's Ferry, about 5 miles from town of Knoxville.

4. Ramsey's Ferry is about 4 miles from Knoxville.

THE ATLANTA CAMPAIGN.

1. Powers' Ferry

2. Roswell ferry

3. Phillips Ferry

4. Pace's Ferry

Note. Places they were talking about were, Rottenwood Creek and Soap Creek and the bridge over the Chattahoochee.

ROCKVILLE EXPEDITION.

1.Conrad's Ferry

2. Edwards Ferry

Note. From my understanding these two ferries were up around Seneca Mills and Dawsonville.

THE GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN.

1. Edwards Ferry.

Note. Here they talked about, the mouth of the Monocacy, Dranesville

Vicksburg.

1. Baldwin's Ferry Road

2. Hall's

Note. From Baldwin's Ferry road to Hall's Ferry is at least 8 miles; to the junction of the Warrenton and Baldwin's Ferry roads to Hall's Ferry road to Warrenton, some 2 miles nearer the ferry. They also talked about the Big Black River, and the town of Bovina.

HEADQUARTERS,
Fort Yuma, November 21, 1861.

1. Mr. Yager, had a ferry at Pilot Knob, ten miles down the river. The boats used at that point have by my orders been brought to the post, and are under my control. Mr. Yager's main ferry is still one mile below the post.

2. The main crossing of the Colorado has been heretofore done at Gonzales' Ferry, about thirty miles below this post.

3. Cooke's Old Ferry, six miles below Aldogdones.

4. Paddock's Old Ferry.

Savannah Ga.

1. Ball's Ferry

2. Jackson's Ferry

Note. These two ferries were around Milledgeville.

The Atlanta Campaign.

1. Calhoun Ferry

2. Lay's Ferry

Note. They were talking about places like, Oostenaula River and Snake Creek.

Red River Campaign.

No. 58.-Brigadier General Thomas J. Churchill, C. S. Army, commanding division, of engagement at Jenkins' Ferry.

Numbers 59.-Brigadier General James C. Tappan, C. S. Army, commanding brigade, of engagement at Jenkins' Ferry.

Numbers 60.-Lieutenant Colonel W. R. Hardy, Twenty-fourth Arkansas Infantry, commanding Nineteenth (Dawson's) and Twenty-fourth Arkansas Infantry, of engagement at Jenkins' Ferry.

Numbers 61.-Lieutenant Colonel Thomas D. Thomson, Thirty-third Arkansas Infantry, of engagement at Jenkins' Ferry.

Numbers 62.-Colonel R. G. Shaver, Thirty-eight Arkansas Infantry, of engagement at Jenkins' Ferry.

Numbers 63.-Colonel Lucien C. Gause, Thirty-second Arkansas Infantry, Commanding brigade, of engagement at Jenkins' Ferry.

Numbers 64.-Lieutenant Colonel H. G. P. Williams, Nineteenth (Dockery's) Arkansas Infantry, Dockery's brigade, of engagement at Jenkins' Ferry.

Numbers 65.-Brigadier General Mosby M. Parsons, C. S. Army, commanding division, of engagement at Jenkins' Ferry.

Numbers 66.-Brigadier General John B. Clark, jr., commanding First Brigade, of engagement at Jenkins' Ferry.

Numbers 67.-Lieutenant John O. Lockhart, Ruffner's Missouri Battery, of engagement at Jenkins' Ferry.

Numbers 68.-Colonel Simon P. Burns, Eleventh Missouri Infantry, commanding Second Brigade, of engagement at Jenkins' Ferry.

Numbers 69.-Captain A. A. Lesueur, Missouri Battery, of engagement at Jenkins' Ferry.

Note. Looks like there was a lot of fighting around Jenkins ferry If you see a report you would like to have let me and I will see that you get one and that goes for any report on this page. My address can be found in my profile.

West Virginia.

1. Miller's Ferry

2. Montgomery's Ferry

3. Bowyer's Ferry

4. Townsend's Ferry

Note. In this report they were talking about places like, Fayette road, Great Falls Creek, Cotton Hill and Gauley Bridge.

The Atlanta Campaign.

1. Lay's Ferry
2. Gideon's Ferry

Note. They talked about, Snake Creek Gap and Resaca.

Chickamauga.

1. Pinhook Ferry, near the mouth of Piney Creek.

2. Blythe's Ferry

3. Butler's ferry

4. Fletcher's Flat-boat ferry

5. Lamb's Ferry

Note. They talked about, Richland Creek, and being around Washington.

Vicksburg.

1. Birdsong Ferry

2. Bush Ferry

3. Kibby's Ferry or Cox ferry

4. Baldwin's Ferry

Note. They were talking about, Raymond, Bolton, and Brownsville and Oak Ridge.

Chickamauga.

1. Brown's Ferry

2. Ferry ferry

3. Rankin's ferry

Note. Talk was about the Duck and Elk Rivers.

Columbia.

1. Screven's Ferry, on Savannah River

2. Sister's Ferry

Note. They talked a lot about going in and around Robertsville.

Red River Campaign.

1. Pope's Ferry

2. Fulton ferry

3. Dooley's Ferry

4. Jenkins' Ferry

5. Monett's

Note. Talk was of the towns of Fulton and Lewisville, and Red River to Arkansas.

Knoxville and Lookout Mountain.

1. Rankin's Ferry

2. Kelley's Ferry

3. Gardenhire's Ferry

Note. Here there talking about steamers.

Chickamauga.

1. Blythe's Ferry

2. Harrison's Ferry

3. Nelson's Ferry

4. Thatcher's Ferry?

Note. They were talking of places like, Georgetown, Chickamauga River and the Dallas and Chattanooga road.

Morgan’s.

1. Clay's Ferry

Note. There was a lot of Clay’s ferry, and the towns of Franklin and Boonesborough and Frankfort.

Last Note. There are 300 hundred reports where the Ferries are talked about I will not go through them all, as I looked over the reports I saw most of the rest are of the same Campaigns and Expeditions, so there will be a lot of information on the ferries I have already put down. If you see a ferry you would like to know more about, you can E. Mail me and I will help you all I can, my address can be found in my profile.

Musicians of War.

I know there are a lot of you who are looking for your ancestor who were musicians, well then this page is for you. This page will have the names of musicians, buglers and some fifers, sorry there will be no drummers but don’t feel left out. I have a page for only drummers, look for the title ( Drummers of War ) this page is full of information that may be helpful.

The three wars we talk about the most are the Revolutionary, War of 1812 and the Civil War, this page will cover them all, and maybe a few other wars for good measures. I will have no order to this information, and will be jumping from one war to another. I will be putting down the information as I find it, so if you are looking for a ancestor and not just reading for fun, you may want to do a name search. There will be a few photo’s on this page as well, no less then 6, but no more then ten.

Note. This information and photo’s will come from the many departments of the Library of Congress and the official recorders of the Union and Confederate Armies which is housed at the State University of Ohio.

ON CLAIM OF GAETANO CARUSI FOR REMUNERATION ON ACCOUNT OF AN AGREEMENT BETWEEN HIM, AS A MUSICIAN, AND AN OFFICER OF THE NAVY.

Mr. Grayson, from the Committee on Naval Affairs, to whom was referred the petition of Gaetano Carusi, reported:

That it appears from the statement of the petitioner, and from the documents accompanying it, that he and his three sons were employed, in the year 1805, by the officers of the American squadron then in the Mediterranean, for the term of three years: the petitioner continued in the service during the time in which the squadron remained abroad, and came with it to America. On his arrival in this country he was dismissed from the service, hail the term for which he had been engaged being yet unexpired: lie was thus abandoned in a foreign country, without support, although a promise had been made him to send him back to Europe at the expiration of the three years for which he had been employed. The officers of the squadron appear to have acted under a mistake as to their powers, in procuring his services; but it was not possible for a foreigner to know that the commander of an armed ship had no power to employ a musician, and it appears, therefore, one of those cases in which the liberality of the government should not permit an innocent and ignorant foreigner to stiffer for having enlisted in its service. The committee recommend, therefore, that the petitioner be paid one thousand dollars, and for that purpose they report a bill.
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Note. The photo's can be enlarged by pushing on them.
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A BILL.
DECEMBER 16, 1872.

Granting a pension to Aaron B. Hughes, late a musician in Company E, One hundred and third Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of the Interior be, and he is hereby, authorized and directed to place on the pension-roll, subject to the provisions and limitations of the pension-laws, the name of Aaron B. Hughes, late a musician in Company E, One hundred and third Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers, and that he be paid a pension from the twenty-fourth day of February, eighteen hundred and sixty-five.

Added Info. Aaron B. Hughes Musician, mustered in December 7, 1861, for 3, years, Prisoner from April 20, 1864, to March 1, 1865; mustered out with Company, June 25, 1865; Vet.
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Photo: Washington, D.C. Band of 9th Veteran Reserve Corps, in shakoes and frogged jackets, at Washington Circle.

Note. There was a Bill in Congress in 1818, That stated that any musician that was on furlough and absent from his regiment at the close of the war, would received bounty land as if they were in actual service, so long as they had gotten an honorable discharge.

Note. In 1842, a Bill stated that, no negro or mulatto shall be enlisted unless as musician, steward, cook, or servant.
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A BILL
APRIL 4, 1840.
For the relief of Isaac Plumer.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives 2 of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of War be directed to allow to Isaac Plumer, of Foxcroft, in the State of Maine, an invalid pensioner, at the rate of six dollars a month, instead of the pension heretofore granted; to commence on the fourth day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty.
Added note. He was a musician in Col. Cobb’s Volunteer regiment of infantry.
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In 1846, A Mr. Simeon Hubbard, was asking Congress on be half of one Cooper Polyreen, who had now pass away, that he receive bounty land, Mr. Cooper was a Revolutionary soldier and musician, they were rejected.
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Washington, December 2, 1873.

A bill granting a pension to Caleb A. Lamb, late a musician ( Drummer ) in Company E of the Forty-sixth Regiment of Indiana Volunteer Infantry.
Added note. He got his pension, but I was unable to find it.
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February 20, 1872.

A petition of John H. Moore, musician First Massachusetts Cavalry, Co. F &S, Rank third class, praying for a pension.

May 21, 1838.

A petition of Sidnah Kibby, of Washington city, widow of Thomas Kibby, of the marine corps, praying that she may be allowed the amount of pension to which her husband would have been entitled had he lived.

Update December 20, 2014.

The following is given by Michael Marshall.

Thomas Kibby married Sinia Johnson in Washington D. C., December 9, 1827.  Kibby died some time before September 1, 1828, they had a daughter, Miranad Kibby ( b.c. 1833 ), she maeeied Daniel P. Mealey.
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Photo: Brandy Station, Va. Band of the 114th Pennsylvania Infantry (Zouaves.)







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January 20, 1851.

A petition of S. Griffin, praying a pension on account of the services of her former husband, Thomas Kibby, as a musician in the marine corps.

January 11, 1855.

The memorial of Thomas W. Tansill, praying to be allowed extra pay and bounty land as a private in the marine corps, and his pay and allowances as a musician in said corps, withheld on account of his inability to procure the legal certificate of his discharge.

December 13, 1837.

A petition of Samuel Crapin, a musician in the army during the late war with Great Britain, praying a pension.

A BILL
JANUARY 7, 1841.

For the relief of Samuel Crapin.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of War be directed to place the name of Samuel Crapin on the pension roll, and pay him a pension at the rate of eight dollars per month, from the fourth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-six, during his natural life.
Note. This Bill was passed on March 19, 1842.
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Photo: Arlington, Va. Band of 107th U.S. Colored Infantry at Fort Corcoran.








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December 17, 1838.

A petition of Mary Page, of Cambridge, in the State of Massachusetts, praying to be allowed a pension, in right of her former husband, William Hall, deceased, a musician in the revolutionary army.

April 8, 1850.

A petition of John Hamilton, praying to be allowed bounty land as a musician in the army of the United States.
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January 29, 1830.

The Committee on Military Pensions be instructed to inquire into the expediency of placing on the pension roll, Frederick Wolf, a musician in the army during the Revolutionary war.

THURSDAY March 8, 1860.

Elizabeth Bliss Wolf, widow of Frederick Wolf, praying pension for services rendered by her husband in the revolutionary war.
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MONDAY, January 18, 1875.

petition of Anton Tschudi, late a musician in Company A, Eighteenth Regiment of United States Infantry, praying to be allowed a pension.

February 6, 1860.

A petition of Samuel S. Burton, praying to be allowed the amount due him for pay and rations as a musician in the war of 1812.
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Photo: Arlington, Va. Band of 107th U.S. Colored Infantry at Fort Corcoran.







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TUESDAY, December 9, 1834.

A petition of Hosea King, late a musician in the army of the United States, praying for a grant of military bounty land.

ON CLAIM TO BOUNTY LAND.
COMMUNICATED TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES DECE3IBER 18, 1834.

Mr. Chambers, from the Committee on Private Land Claims, to whom was referred the petition of Hosea King, late a musician in the army of the United States, reported:

That they have examined his case, from which it appears, that on the 23d of October, 1810, he enlisted in the army of the United States as a musician, for the term of five years, and that lie remained in said service until the expiration of said term, when, on the 24th of October, 1815, he was honorably discharged. During which period, he had to encounter the fatigues, hardships, and perils of a war service. He has received all the pay and emoluments to which he was entitled under his contract of enlistment, and under the provisions of the act of Congress providing for that enlistment and service; but as soldiers afterwards enlisted, and who served a shorter time than himself, have received from the bounty of government the same and more pay, as well as bounty land, he desires that Congress will extend to him a like bounty. The act of Congress granting bounty lands in addition to pay, was passed the 24th December, 1811; and if’ Congress, on the apprehension of war, and for a war service, chose to extend the inducement to enlistment, so as to encourage an increase of the army, and did not think proper to extend the provisions to those who had been before that enlisted under other circumstances, the soldier who has received, under the laws that regulated his enlistment and services, all that was provided, has no claim on the justice or bounty of his county, unless he has become disabled and infirm by reason of that service, which is not alleged in the present case. The petitioner’s case is not a solitary one, but belongs to a class of cases, embracing all who enlisted before December 24, 1811. And if the land bounty should be thus extended, it should be by a law of Congress, embracing all that class of cases; the propriety and policy of which may well be questioned, and when presented, will deserve attentive consideration for its retrospective operation in one class of cases, which would furnish precedents for like claims by officers, agents, and other claimants, who might appeal to the equity and bounty of their country for a like remuneration, beyond the emoluments and provisions of the law under which they acted or served.
With these views, the committee think the petitioner is not entitled. to relief; and submit the following resolution:
Resolved, That the petitioner is not entitled to relief.
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March 22, 1872.

A petition of Thad. Potter, chief musician of the Twenty-fourth United States Infantry .

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Photo: Pvt. Bentley Weston, bugler, Company A, 7th South Carolina Cavalry, C.S.A.
Note. He can not be found on any rosters.






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Monday December 15, 1800.

A petition of Benjamin Law, (alias Williams,) late a fifer in the first Maryland regiment, was presented to the House and read, stating that a warrant for land due the petitioner, for services rendered the United States, during the late war, has been fraudulently obtained from the War Office, and praying that a new warrant may issue, or such other relief be granted as to the wisdom of Congress may seem meet.
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THE DISTRICT OF NEW HAMPSHIRE.
Pensions.
MONDAY, MARCH 7, 1796.

Ebenezer Fletcher, ... Fifer, ... one-fourth, pension.
Levi Chubbock, ... Fifer,….. one-fourth, pension.
Phinehas Parkhurst, ... Fifer, ... full pension.

THE DISTRICT OF CONNECTICUT.
Pensions.

Robert Jerom, ... Fifer, ... one-fourth, pension.
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THURSDAY, June 13, 1844.

A petition of Jane Hackney, of Russell county, State of Virginia, widow of John Hackney, deceased, praying a pension in consideration of the services of her late husband, as a fifer in the war of the Revolution.
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Civil War.

Note. July 1864, City Point, and the medical officer in charge of the hospitals at that place will at once make requisition upon the corps commanders for musicians to relieve the able-bodied men of their commands now employed on hospital service, and the latter on being relieved will be returned to their regiments. Each corps commander will select an efficient officer to take the general charge of the musicians of his corps assigned to hospital duty, and he will also, on the requisition of the medical officer in charge of the hospitals, furnish his proportion of a detail for a hospital guard. The guard will be no larger than is indispensably necessary. The requisition on corps commanders for hospital attendants and guard details will be in proportion to the number of men of the corps under treatment.
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Note. HEADQUARTERS FIFTH ARMY CORPS, Near Hatcher's Run, Va., March 28, 1865.
In the contemplated movement to-morrow, the musicians will be left in camp to sound reveille as usual, not at the hour of march, but as sounded under ordinary circumstances. Commanders are requested to give this matter their particular attention. After the usual hour of reveille has been sounded the musicians can join their respective commands. When the troops leave camp to-morrow morning they will do so as quietly as possible. Great care will be taken that nothing in the camps is set on fire.
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On the March 14th, 1865, captured, Musician W. S. Ward, Company H.

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Reports of Major Hamilton S. Gillespie, Fiftieth Ohio Infantry, of operations May 27-September 8.

May 28, 1864, Rebels make three assaults during the night, but are each time repulsed with considerable loss to them; wounded. George W. Rickey, musician, Company C, slight.

May 30, take position in front line; wounded, William Dean, Company K, mortally; Samuel B. Large, musician Company A, in leg while attempting to bring him off the field.
Musician Edward B. Smith was to be executed, he was found Guilty, in a G. C. M. I couldn’t find out what he was being charged with, but I believe it was for Mutiny.
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1865, Chief Musician John T. McConahay, wounded in the thigh on the 21st March, near Bentonville.

1865, Second Lieutenant Samuel H. Williams, acting adjutant Fifty-sixth Regiment Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers, to be first lieutenant by brevet for conspicuous gallantry and valuable services on the 31st of march, and to be captain by brevet for the display of personal bravery on the 1st of April. Lieutenant Williams entered the service as a musician, and by his good conduct and his bravery and courage during the campaigns of 1863 won the respect and regard of his superior officers, and was promoted to the rank of second lieutenant.

1864, Private Hans Shure, Company K, and Musician, Eighty-eighth Illinois, helped to captured two sabers at the battle of Franklin, November 30.

Note. In 1863, the Provisional Army of Confederate States, were paying their musicians $13, per month.
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Numbers 298. Reports of Lieutenant Colonel John C. O. Redington, Sixtieth New York Infantry.

CAMP NEAR AQUIA CREEK LANDING, VA.,
May 8, 1863.

I saw Musician William P. Hulitt, of Company F (who picked up a gun and cartridges, and fought unflinchingly, losing his life thereby.
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No. 75. Report of Lieutenant James G. Derrickson, Sixty-sixth New York Infantry.
FALMOUTH, VA., December 16, 1862.

Among the enlisted men the conduct of Principal Musician Daniel Barrett stand pre-eminent.
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BIVOUAC OPPOSITE SHEPHERDSTOWN, W. VA., September 22, 1862.
SIR: I have the honor to report the part taken by the battalion of Second and Tenth Infantry in the engagement on the 17th instant at Sharpsburg, Md.

Musician George Miller, Company G, seized a musket on the field and used it with good effect during the hottest part of the engagement.
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Numbers 3. Report of Brigadier General James E. B. Stuart, C. S. Army, March 31, 1862.

Principal Musician David Drake, of the First Virginia Cavalry, volunteered to perform the most hazardous service, and accomplished it in the most satisfactory and creditable manner. He is worthy of promotion and should be so rewarded.
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No. 79. Report of Major Robert M. West,
Chief of Artillery, of operations June 28-July 2.
HEADQUARTERS OF ARTILLERY, FOURTH CORPS, July 11, 1862.

July 29, Principal Musician Robert Hargreaves, First Pennsylvania Artillery, whose prompt and intelligent conveyance of my orders contributed greatly to the harmonious movement of the large mass of artillery temporarily under my command. He is qualified for a better position.
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No. 24. Report of Colonel Zebulon B. Vance, Twenty-sixth North Carolina Infantry.

HDQRS. TWENTY-SIXTH Regiment NORTH CAROLINA VOLS., Kinston, N. C., March 17, 1862.

Musician B. F. Johnson, Company B, deserves particular mention for his exertions, having ferried over the greater portion of the road for Trenton. We marched night and day stopping at no time for rest or sleep more than four hours.
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HEADQUARTERS ANDERSON CAVALRY, Camp Negley, Nashville, Tenn., January 20, 1863.

MAJOR: In obedience to instructions received from headquarters of the Cumberland, through Brigadier General D. S. Stanley, I have the honor to forward the names of those who did and those who did not obey marching orders December 26, 1862.

List of names of those who obeyed orders to go to the front December 26, 1862.


COMPANY C.

Bugler, Byron O. Camp.
Bugler, N. F. Dager.

COMPANY D.

Bugler, Francis J. Koesterer.
Bugler, Henry Helling.

COMPANY E.
Bugler, Nicholas F. Weigle.

COMPANY I.
Bugler, J. W. Buttorf.
Bugler, A. C. Miller.

COMPANY K.

Bugler, William B. Murdock.
Bugler, J. F. Gwynn.
List of these refusing to go to the front December 26, 1862..

COMPANY C.

Bugler, Byron O. Camp.
Bugler, N. F. Dager.

Note. A Bugler was paid $20, a month, a Chief bugler $28, a month.

Numbers 192. Report of Lieutenant Valentine H. Stone, Batteries C and I, Fifth U. S. Artillery.

CAMP OF BATTERIES C AND I, FIFTH U. S. ARTILLERY,
Near Petersburg, Va., April 4, 1865.

Bugler Andrew R. Muller, Battery C, Fifth U. S. Artillery, deserves great credit for the extraordinary coolness and bravery shown by him while carrying orders for me, passing to and for from the front repeatedly under a heavy fire of artillery and musketry.
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SPECIAL ORDERS, HDQRS. MIDDLE MILITARY DIVISION, No. 61. October 21, 1864.

The following-named officers and enlisted men will proceed to Washington, D. C., with colors captured from the enemy in the engagement of the 19th instant, and will deliver them over to the Secretary of War. This duty being accomplished they will immediately join their proper command. The quartermaster's department will furnish the necessary transportation: Private T. M. Wells, chief bugler, Sixth Michigan Cavalry.
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HDQRS. FIRST CAVALRY, MISSOURI STATE MILITIA, Warrensburg, Mo., May 2, 1864.

Francis N. Kelly, bugler, Company C, First Cavalry, Missouri State Militia, He and some of his company had been surprised by a band of Quantrill's guerrillas in Johnson Country, Mo., on the 28, May 1864, the guerrillas numbering between 80, and 100 hundred men, Kelly was killed.
Added note. Francis N. Kelly, enlisted on Feb. 8, 1862, at the age of 19, he enlisted at Sullivan Mo., and was mustered in on Feb. 17, 1862, at Milan, Mo.
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HDQRS. THIRTY-NINTH REGIMENT NEW YORK VOLS., February 9, 1864.

SIR: I have the honor to report the part this regiment (Thirty-ninth New York Volunteers) took in the reconnaissance of the 6th day of February, 1864.

I take pleasure in making honorable mention of Chief Bugler Anton Rang, for bravery on the skirmish line.
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Photo: Company unknown, place unknown, man unknown.









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Note. I'm finding I may not have room for the next 160 reports, so I will list the names of the Buglers with page number. If you see a ancestor and would like his information, you can E. Mail me, I will be glad to hear from you, You can find my address in my profile.

Buglers of the Union & C. S. A.

Bugler Henry Deering-0692
Bugler John Albert-0865
Bugler [Charles A.] Lockwood-0756
Bugler Hiram H. Swasey-0241
Bugler ?? Lehman-0547
Bugler ?? Lehmann-0547
Bugler [Valentine] Kenner-0270
Chief Bugler ?? Fritson-0134
Bugler William Clemens-0812
Bugler J. B. Harris-028
Chief Bugler ?? Steele-0494
Bugler ?? Denton-0414
Bugler Oliver J. Burns-0140
Bugler Burns, Citizen-0138
Chief Bugler D. J. Taber-0480
Bugler Henry Bieble-0440
Bugler Henry Gieble-0396
Bugler, William A. Worley-0469
Chief bugler Charles Schorn-01261
Chief bugler James P. Landis-01259
John Gottlieb Heydlauff-0272
Bugler Daniel W. Merrill-0332
Chief bugler Thomas Wells-0551
Bugler Daniel Urmey-0792
Chief Bugler N. D. Horton-0595
Bugler Asa D. Broody-0832
Bugler ?? Eisfelder-0387
Bugler William Willi-0207
Bugler William J. Carson-0317
Bugler John F. Leach-0310
Bugler [William H.] Dickerson-0779
Chief Bugler [Jacob K.] Schuck-0949
Bugler R. Mastin Smith-0364
Bugler [William H.] Leeser-01092
Bugler ?? Drilling-062
Bugler [E. Z.] Shannon-0552
Bugler [W. C.] Thatcher-0552
Bugler John McKay-0366
Jake Schlosser-0859
Chief bugler William Morgan-0554
Bugler John J. Brown-0320
Chief bugler Earnest Goolah-0395
Bugler, Christ. Sanders-067
Bugler John Malone-0468
Musician, Bugler Robert Mannle-0321
Musician, Bugler Charles Guyer-0321
Bugler ?? Pfaff-0687
Chief Bugler S. R. Steele-0573
Bugler John Malone-0542
Bugler Nathaniel J. O. Quine-010
Bugler ?? Freed-0184
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Photo: Headquarters of Gen. Thomas West Sherman, Beaufort, S.C., and soldiers with musical instruments standing on and in front of porch.